Health Communication
Volume 21, Issue 1, 2007 Abstract
The quintessential presence of television in modern American life has led to decades of research on the unhealthy effects of television.
However, recent years have witnessed a surge in scholarship seeking to interrogate the positive health effects of television, particularly in the realm of incorporating health content into entertainment-based television programs.
One of the important critical questions in the realm of the positive health effects of television focuses on the amount of health information learning contributed by health information content on television.
This article takes a motivation-based approach to health information learning from television, arguing that health orientation influences the amount of health information learned by individuals from television.
On the basis of 2 separate studies, the article demonstrates that individuals who learn health information from a variety of television programs are more health oriented than individuals who do not learn health information from these television programs.
摘要
典型的存在在現代美國的電視生活導致了幾十年的研究電視的不健康影響。
然而，近年來出現了激增獎學金尋求審問的積極健康的影響，電視，尤其是在健康領域的內容納入到娛樂為主的電視節目。
其中一個重要的關鍵問題在健康領域的積極影響電視的重點是衛生信息學額貢獻由健康的信息內容在電視上。
本文將動機為基礎的衛生信息學，從電視，認為健康的方向影響量的個人健康信息學會從電視。
在此基礎上2個獨立的研究，文章表明，個人誰學會從各種健康信息的電視節目更注重健康比個人誰不學習健康信息從這些電視節目。
Television is ubiquitous in modern American life, occupying much of Americans’ leisure time (Gerbner, Gross, Morgan, Signorielli, & Shanahan, 2002).
The new millennium household watches approximately 7 hr of television each day (Gerbner et al., 2002).
Extant scholarship on the role of television in society has predominantly emphasized the negative effects of television.
The negative effects research has been extrapolated to the realm of health, with a large number of studies investigating the role of television in the context of violence, drug use, sexual abuse, and alcohol consumption (Gerbner et al., 2002).
Applying cultivation and social cognitive theories, communication scholars have argued that television cultivates a distorted view of the world among heavy viewers of television and teaches unhealthy behaviors by modeling them in program content.
電視無處不在現代美國人的生活，佔領大部分美國人的休閒時間（格伯納，毛，摩根，Signorielli，與沙納漢，2002年）。
新千年家庭手錶約 700小時的電視每天（格伯納等人，2002年）。
現存獎學金的角色在社會上有電視的負面影響主要是強調了電視。
的負面影響的研究已外推到境界的健康，大量研究調查的作用的背景下，電視暴力，吸毒，性虐待，飲酒（格伯納等人，2002年）。
培育和應用社會認知理論，傳播學者認為，電視培養了扭曲的世界觀中重教觀眾的電視和不健康的行為通過模擬他們的節目內容。
Cultivation theorists propose that heavy viewership of television leads to estimations of frequencies of certain groups and behaviors that match the frequencies portrayed in the programs (Gerbner et al., 2002).
Television programs such as soap operas and sitcoms cultivate in the viewer a perspective of the world that does not match reality
but instead reflects the nature of the television world (Gerbner et al., 2002; Gerbner, Gross, Signorielli, Morgan,& Jackson-Beeck, 1979).
In other words, the world of the television viewer, according to cultivation theory, is closely aligned with the world created in the television program, not the real world (Gerbner et al., 2002; Gerbner et al., 1979).
Support for cultivation-based conclusions is observed in audience estimates of aggression, divorce, crime, illegitimate children, unsafe sex, pregnancy rates, abortions, difficult relationships, and adultery (Gerbner et al., 2002; Gerbner et al., 1979).
培養理論家建議重的電視收視率估計導致某些群體的頻率和行為相匹配的頻率描繪的方案（格伯納等人，2002年）。
電視節目如肥皂劇和情景喜劇培養觀眾的角度對世界不符合現實
而是反映了全球性的電視（格伯納等人，2002;格伯納，毛，Signorielli，摩根，和傑克遜 Beeck，1979）。
換句話說，世界上的電視觀眾，根據栽培理論，是與世界緊密結合創造了電視節目，不是真正的世界（格伯納等人，2002年;格伯納等人，1979年）。
支持培養為基礎的結論是觀察觀眾估計侵略，離婚，犯罪，非婚生子女，不安全的性行為，懷孕率，人工流產，難以關係，通姦（格伯納等人，2002年;格伯納等人，1979年）。
Social cognitive theory complements cultivation theory in building the argument that behavior on television becomes the script for the enactment of behavior among audience members (Bandura, 2002).
At the heart of the social cognitive effects of mass media lies the argument that people learn behaviors “either designedly or unintentionally from models in one’s immediate environment” (Bandura, 2002, p. 126).
Viewers learn behaviors by watching television characters engage in them.
Most studies of vicarious learning from television through modeling have been conducted in the realm of aggression and sexual behavior (Bandura, 1973, 2002).
Therefore, both the cultivation-effects line of research and the social cognitive approach attest to the important negative health effects of television.
社會認知理論的補充栽培理論建設行為的說法在電視上成為腳本頒布觀眾之間的行為（班杜拉，2002）。
在心臟的社會認知的影響大眾傳媒的論點，即在於人們學習的行為“或無意或特意從模型在一個人的直接環境”（班杜拉，2002年，第126頁）。
觀眾通過觀看電視學習行為字符搞起來。
大多數研究的替代學習電視通過建模已經在該領域進行的侵略和性行為（班杜拉，1973年，2002年）。
因此，無論是種植效果線的研究和社會認知的方法證明了重要的負面健康影響的電視節目。
However, recent years have witnessed a dramatic increase in health consciousness within the United States accompanied by an explosive growth in health-oriented television program content.
Learning from the lessons of educational entertainment programming offered on television in other parts of the world, American scholars have started exploring the possibility of using entertainment programming within the United States to communicate healthy themes.
This growing interest in catapulting the powers of television to send out healthy message led to the dedication of an entire issue of Communication Theory to the topic of entertainment education (Slater & Rouner, 2002).
In the face of the growing interest in using television as a conduit for communicating health-related information, it is significant to explore the heath effects of television.
This article proposes to study the role of television in learning health information and, by doing so, seeks to build a theoretical framework for health information processing and suggest media planning applications for the use of television programs as media vehicles for health campaigns.
Specifically, I studied the role of health motivation in facilitating the learning of health information from television programs.
然而，近年來出現了大幅增加，健康意識在美國伴隨著爆炸式增長，健康化的電視節目內容。
學習的教訓教育上提供電視娛樂節目在其他世界各地，美國學者已經開始探索使用的可能性娛樂節目在美國進行交流健康的主題。
在這種越來越大的興趣一躍權力，電視發出的健康信息導致了整個問題的奉獻傳播理論的主題娛樂教育（斯萊特和Rouner，2002）。
在面對越來越大的興趣在利用電視作為一種渠道的溝通與健康有關的信息，它是重要的影響，探討希思電視。
本文擬研究的作用電視學習健康信息，並通過這樣做，目的是建立一個健康的理論框架，並建議媒體信息處理規劃申請的使用的電視節目，媒體車輛衛生運動。
具體來說，我研究的作用在促進健康的學習動機的健康信息來自電視節目。
TELEVISION AND LEARNING
How do viewers learn from television?
That television contributes to viewer learning has remained a central area of investigation in mass communication (Eveland, 2002).
In particular, scholars of mass communication have sought to investigate the role of news programs in facilitating audience learning (Eveland, 2001, 2002).
The variables that have been traditionally investigated in the realm of learning from news are exposure, attention, and motivation (Eveland, 2001).
電視及學習
觀眾學習如何從電視？
這電視有助於觀眾學習一直是中心區的調查，大眾傳播（Eveland，2002）。
特別是，大眾傳播學者都力求調查新聞節目的作用在促進觀眾學習（Eveland，2001年，2002年）。
這些變量已在該領域研究傳統的學習新聞的曝光，注意力和動機（Eveland，2001）。
Exposure
Many studies have emphasized exposure as a central independent variable in learning from the news (Atkin, Galloway, & Nayman, 1976; Bennett, Flickinger, Baker, Rhine, & Bennett, 1996; Drew & Weaver, 1990; McLeod & McDonald, 1985; Robinson & Levy, 1996).
Researchers have demonstrated that exposure indeed predicts knowledge, although the effect sizes are typically small (Atkin et al., 1976; Bennett et al., 1996; Drew & Weaver, 1990; Eveland, 2001, 2002; McLeod & McDonald, 1985; Robinson & Levy, 1996).
In addition to the small size of the effects in the exposure-based research, such research is also limited by its simplicity and does not tell one much about the process of learning that audience members go through (Eveland, 2001).
曝光
許多研究都強調接觸，作為中央獨立變量從新聞中學習（阿特金，加洛韋，與 Nayman，1976;貝內特，弗利金傑，貝克，萊茵河，與貝內特，1996;德魯和韋弗，1990;麥克勞德和麥當勞，1985;羅賓遜和利維，1996）。
研究人員已經證明，確實暴露預測知識，雖然效果的大小通常是小（阿特金等人，1976年;貝內特等人，1996;德魯和韋弗，1990; Eveland，2001年，2002年;麥克勞德和麥當勞，1985;羅賓遜及徵，1996）。
除了體積小的影響，在曝光為基礎的研究，這些研究還受到其簡單和沒有告訴一大部分有關學習的過程中觀眾經歷（Eveland，2001）。
Attention
In their critique of the simple exposure-based paradigm, media researchers have introduced the concept of attention to explain audience learning from news (Chaffee & Scheluder, 1986; McLeod & McDonald, 1985).
Attention is a cognitive variable that captures the extent to which the audience member is focusing on the information presented to him or her and allocating his or her cognitive effort to process the information (Dutta-Bergman, 2004), and it predicts learning beyond simple exposure (Chaffee & Scheluder, 1986; Craik & Tulving, 1975; McLeod & McDonald, 1985).
The role of attention was particularly critical in the domain of learning from television news, because, unlike newspapers, television as a medium creates the opportunity for inattentive processing (Chaffee & Scheluder, 1986; Eveland, 2002; Kosicki & McLeod, 1990).
注意
在他們的批判的簡單暴露的模式，研究人員已經推出了媒體關注的概念來解釋觀眾從新聞學（查菲和Scheluder，1986;麥克勞德和麥當勞，1985）。
注意是一種認知變量，它抓住了何種程度的觀眾是注重對信息提供給他或她和分配他或她的認知努力來處理信息（杜塔，伯格曼，2004年），它超越了簡單的預測學習曝光（查菲和Scheluder，1986;克雷克＆Tulving，1975;麥克勞德和麥當勞，1985）。
注意的作用，特別是在關鍵領域的學習，從電視新聞，因為，不像報紙，電視作為一種媒介創造了機會，不留神處理（查菲和Scheluder，1986; Eveland，2002; Kosicki和麥克勞德，1990）。
Similar concepts, such as elaboration and reflective integration have been used in the literature to explain how audiences learn from the media (Eveland, 2002).
Elaboration refers to the process of assimilating incoming information with existing knowledge; through it, the person “attaches connotative and associative meanings” (Perse, 1990, p. 19).
Perse (1990) argued that “during elaboration the information is linked mnemonically to similar information, placed in an organizational structure, and responses are rehearsed” (p. 19).
Therefore, when the receiver of the message chooses to elaborate on it, he or she learns from the message, and the content gets incorporated into his or her cognitive schema.
Kosicki and McLeod (1990) posited that “reflective integration represents the postexposure salience of information such that it occupies the mind and is the subject of interpersonal discussion” (p. 75).
Similar to the concept of elaboration discussed by Perse, the audience member has to actively act on the message and incorporate it into his or her cognitive structure in order to act on it; the only difference is that reflective integration results in interpersonal discussion about the topic.
Essential to the attention-based information-processing framework is that, for learning to occur, the receiver of the information must decide to invest his or her cognitive effort in processing the information.
This choice of cognitively processing the information is a product of individual motivation (Eveland, 2001, 2002); in other words, information processing mediates the relationship between motivation and learning (Eveland, 2001, 2002).
類似的概念，如制定和反光一體化已用於文獻觀眾講解如何學習媒體（Eveland，2002）。
精是指在吸收過程中收到的信息與現有的知識，通過它，人“的重視內涵和關聯的含義”（Perse，1990年，第19頁）。
Perse（1990）認為，“在闡述了信息聯繫 mnemonically的類似資料，放置在一個組織結構，反應排練”（第19頁）。
因此，當接收郵件的精心選擇上，他或她學會從消息和內容被納入了他或她的認知模式。
Kosicki和McLeod（1990）假定，“反思融合代表了暴露後突出的信息，例如，它佔據了頭腦，是受人際討論”
（第75頁）。
類似概念的闡述討論 Perse，觀眾成員要積極採取行動的消息，並把它納入自己的認知結構，以便採取行動就可以了，唯一不同的是，在人際反射積分結果討論的話題。
必不可少的注意力為基礎的信息處理框架是，為學習發生，接收的信息必須決定他或她的投資認知努力，處理的信息。
這種選擇處理信息的認知是一個產品的個人動機（Eveland，2001年，2002年），換句話說，信息處理調解之間的關係和學習動機（Eveland，2001年，2002年）。
Motivation
Elaboration likelihood model.
Message elaboration is central to the extent to which individuals learn from the media. The elaboration likelihood model (ELM), developed by Petty and Cacioppo (1981, 1986), proposes two different information-processing mechanisms.
One of these routes, known as the peripheral route in ELM, is more superficial than the other route, the central processing route (Petty & Cacioppo, 1980, 1986; Petty, Cacioppo, & Schumann,
1983).
Peripheral route processing does not evoke argument scrutiny, leading to persuasion because of positive or negative associations or because of simple inferential cues present in the information environment (Petty et al., 1983).
Examples of peripheral cues include non-messagebased elements, such as source attractiveness (Petty et al., 1983), music, length of message, or number of arguments.
The central route involves deeper and more effort-intensive processing (Petty & Cacioppo, 1980, 1986; Petty et al., 1983).
Message processing through the central route occurs after the diligent consideration of relevant argument-based information (Petty et al., 1983).
Therefore, when processing information through the central route, the consumer pays attention to the arguments present in the message, preferring stronger arguments to weaker ones (Petty & Cacioppo, 1986).
動機
精可能性模型。
消息是中央制定的程度，個人的學習媒體。擬訂的可能性模型（ELM），開發的小資和卡西奧普（1981年，1986年），提出了兩種不同的信息處理機制。
這些路線之一，被稱為周邊路線在ELM，是比較膚淺比其他路線，中央工藝路線（佩蒂和卡西奧普，1980，1986;小資，卡西奧普，與舒曼，
1983年）。
周邊路由處理不引起爭論的審查，導致說服力，因為協會或積極或消極的，因為簡單的推理線索存在於信息環境（佩蒂等人，1983年）。
周邊線索的例子包括非messagebased元素，如源的吸引力（小資等，1983），音樂，長度的消息，或數字參數。
涉及中央的路線更深入，更努力，深加工（小資和卡西奧普，1980，1986;小資等，1983）。
消息處理通過中央的路線後發生的辛勤審議有關的論證為基礎的信息（佩蒂等人，1983年）。
因此，在處理信息，通過中央的路線，消費者注重的參數目前在消息，寧願更強參數較弱的（小＆卡西奧普，1986）。
Elaboration theorists argue that the extent to which an individual will elaborate on a message depends on the degree to which he or she is motivated to process the message and on his or her abilities to process the message (Petty & Cacioppo, 1980, 1986; Petty et al., 1983).
The receiver has to be both able and motivated to process a message in order to go through the central route and thoroughly scrutinize the arguments presented in the message (Petty & Cacioppo, 1980, 1986; Petty et al., 1983).
When motivation and/or ability are low, the receiver will make his or her decisions on the basis of heuristic and/or affective cues (Petty & Cacioppo, 1980, 1986; Petty et al., 1983).
Therefore, audience motivation is one of the critical components of message processing. Learning occurs only when the message has been processed centrally and, therefore, only in those circumstances when the individual is motivated to process the message (Berry, 1983; Craik & Tulving, 1975).
精理論家認為，在何種程度上會詳細說明個人消息的程度取決於他或她的動機來處理消息，並在他或她的能力來處理消息（小資和卡西奧普，1980，1986;小資等，1983）。
接收器必須既能夠和主動地處理信息，以便通過中央的路線，徹底審議中提出的論點消息（小資和卡西奧普，1980，1986;小資等，1983）。
當動機和/或能力低，接收器將讓他或她的決定的基礎上，啟發式和/或情感線索（佩蒂和卡西奧普，1980，1986;小資等，1983）。
因此，觀眾的動機是其中的重要組成部分消息處理。學習只發生時該消息已被處理集中，因此，只有在這種情況下，當個人的動機來處理消息（貝里，1983;克雷克＆Tulving，1975年）。
Selective processing theories.
Yet another theoretical framework that applies the motivation-based approach is the selective processing framework.
Selective processing theories are founded on the conceptualization of underlying motivations that drive the behavioral and cognitive choices of viewers of television (Finn, 1997).
Given the multitude of stimuli present in the environment, individuals selectively orient their attention to specific stimuli while ruling out and ignoring a mélange of other stimuli that are of no interest to him or her (Dutta-Bergman, 2004).
Furthermore, although some of these stimuli are further processed, others are filtered out of the message processing system.
The specific stimuli that will be attended to and further processed depend on the individual’s underlying motivations (Petty & Cacioppo, 1986).
Underlying selective processing theory is the concept that the processing of different media content is a product of active choice; the audience member actively participates in selecting only those stimuli that fulfill his or her motivational needs (Dutta-Bergman, 2004).
選擇性處理的理論。
還有一種理論框架，適用的動機為基礎的方法是選擇性處理框架。
選擇性處理的理論是建立在概念化的基本動機是推動行為和認知的觀眾選擇的電視（芬蘭，1997）。
由於眾多的刺激存在於環境中，個人有選擇地調整其特定的刺激，同時注意排除混雜和忽視了其他刺激都沒有興趣，他或她（杜塔，伯格曼，2004）。
此外，雖然其中一些刺激正在進一步處理，其他人被過濾掉的郵件處理系統。
具體的刺激將出席並進一步加工依賴於個人的基本動機（佩蒂和卡西奧普，1986）。
選擇性處理的理論基礎是概念，處理不同媒體的內容是產品的主動選擇，觀眾積極參與的成員只選擇那些刺激，履行他或她的動機需求（杜塔，伯格曼，2004）。
